On the Warpath
The new
Secretary of State for Defence Gavin Williamson took his first session of
Parliamentary questions on 27 November. It is a reminder of his swift rise to
power that his first session at the dispatch box ever came as the most senior Minister
in one of the most senior Departments of State.
Over the
weekend the whispers by backbench MPs about disquiet on potential defence cuts
gained full voice, with hints that at least one Minister was prepared to resign
if the Army was cut, while other Ministerial sources darkly blamed a civil
servant for the likely outcome of the current SDSR.
In Parliament
today the SofS was left in no doubt of the strength of feeling by his backbench
colleagues about this issue, which has become a lightning conductor for Tory MPs
angry at the state of the Party, and furious that the Labour Party, led by a
life long pacifist is able to go on the offensive about defence cuts made by a
Tory government.
‘Deny Everything’
There was
frustration among many social media users and Parliamentarians that no
assurances were given on the future of the LPDs by Ministers. This makes
perfect sense though -with a review underway, and every planning option still
under consideration, to prejudge the outcome would disrupt this work and the wider
review.
Ministers
cannot prejudge a review when the work is ongoing – building force packages is
finely balanced, and to rule something in or out can cause a ripple series of events
that could throw the entire structure out of balance and cost.
At the same
time though SofS was clear that he saw the desire to spend 2% of GDP on defence
as a floor not a ceiling. These words seemed intended to buy support from
backbenchers keen to see him take on the Treasury and win a deal involving more
funding for Defence. With a reported deficit of nearly £2bn a year (nearly 3%
of the Defence budget) there is a need to either tighten belts or find new money.
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Image by Ministry of Defence; © Crown copyright |
The problem for
the SofS is that there probably isn’t any new money to be found. Defence is not
an inherent vote winner as the people who vote Tory on defence are likely to be
in rock solid constituencies, not places where it would win seats.
The usual
answer from fans of Defence is to do something like say ‘scrap DFID’ or other
such words. In reality to do this would mean reopening the 5yearly comprehensive
spending review to look at all departmental settlements, including MODs, with
the combined outcome of it not only being equally unpalatable for MOD next time
round, but also it would enrage a wide number of other Tory MP’s with similar
vested interests in different departments. Does a minority government really
want to risk the wrath of its backbenches and loss of public support on a
spending review that isn’t needed?
The options
open to HMT and MOD are limited – there may be some scope to defer or reduce
the scale of required in year efficiency savings, or maybe some limited
contingency funding may be found for niche capabilities that support other departments work. There
may be scope to increase the level of charging that MOD does to other departments
to provide capabilities (for example resilience work).
To make really
big savings, or to free up cash for reinvestment requires either major equipment
cuts or manpower cuts. The Army is seen inside parts of MOD as ripe for
cutting, with many inside wanting to slip it to 60-65000 – the original goal of
the 2015 SDSR before Armed Forces manpower levels became politically sacrosanct.
It may be
possible to eke savings out of major changes such as to the Future
Accommodation Model (e.g. reduce accommodation and education support), or look
at major changes to the allowances model (significant cuts to X factor perhaps?).
Given that service manpower costs account for over 25% of the Departments
budget, cutting them is an easy way to save money.
The real danger
is if backbench politicians, keen to maintain the ‘shop window’ mentality put
sufficient pressure on SofS that various force structure options like ‘delete LPD’
are taken off the table. There may be a sense by the SPADs and Ministers that
if they can preserve the Front Line (memories of ‘Front Line First’ here) that this
will be sufficient to halt the rebellion in its tracks.
Such a move
would be a disaster for the Armed Forces as any savings would instead fall on
the far less glamorous but vitally important support areas. No MP will ever say
‘thank you for saving the future deployable IT capability’ but spending money in
this sort of capability is the enabler that makes the UK deployable globally
and be seen as an ally of value.
Its easy to issue
direction to take a larger wedge of savings out of support costs, or to reduce
the buy of various bits of kit that people don’t understand in order to keep an
LPD or frigate going. To do so though risks the ability of the military to
deploy, and could put Service Personnel’s lives in danger if they no longer
have the battle winning equipment that they currently have.
Paradoxically
if you speak to many serving personnel, some would welcome the option to scrap
the LPD force. It would free up manpower that could be used to put existing
ships in reserve back to sea, and would solve a lot of headaches in pinch point
manpower areas. It would be a brave move, but one that would make a real
difference. It is also ironic that much of this manpower crisis in the RN is a
direct result of the failure of the last 1SL at the SDSR to make an effective
case for a substantial manpower uplift to the RN, which it needs far more than
it does extra ships right now.
Blame the Civil Servant
One worrying trend
was the emerging news this weekend that efforts are being made to blame Mark Sedwill
for the findings of the review, with defence Ministerial sources allegedly
stating that he is out to shaft the MOD to pay for more cyber capability.
Public servants
are not the people who sign off on reviews – they present them to Ministers, having
considered the evidence submitted to them and put together a range of options
on what could be done. This sort of review considers all the threats to the UK
today, not just the ones the MOD can tackle. It is likely that the biggest
direct threat to UK national security isn’t an armoured division of Russian
T90s charging down the M20 in Kent, but cyber hacktivists exploiting national
financial systems or power grids to reap untold havoc.
The loss of power
stations, disruption to savings or other nefarious attacks could pose a serious
existential risk to the UK way of life. Preventing this from happening is vital,
and warrants heavy expenditure to get right. This money isn’t new money – it has
to come from inside the spending limits the Treasury puts in place.
It feels as if
Defence Ministers (or their SPADs) are pushing a narrative trying to blame the Civil Service for Defence Cuts –
putting the blame on their advisors for evidence based policy making, rather
than supporting emotion based backbench mollifying measures. Such a move is
disturbing as it reflects a desire to not take full responsibility for decisions,
nor accept that in the UK Ministers, not public servants take those decisions.
The battle
lines are drawn – Ministers are now in no doubt of the depth of anger on Tory
backbenches about defence cuts, and will desperately be looking for a way out
of this crisis that is as much about saving face as it is money.
There is no new
money to be found, and Phillip Hammond is unlikely to be sympathetic for
demands for more cash – he will be well aware of the MODs profligacy at times,
and the fact that the SDSR has taken a wider view on defence than just the traditional
force structures.
Any deal will
need to calm the back benches -possibly by clawing money back from DFID and
also preserve the illusion of front line capability. In reality this will harm
the UK, as it will damage enablers and prevent investment where it is required
to keep the UK genuinely safe. In the medium term the emotional need to ‘own’ a
technically deployable (in about 10-20 years) armoured division may trump the
objective need to protect from cyber hackers now. Only time will tell if this
was a wise move or not.
With all the musical chairs re. basing of the T23s, I am becoming more and more convinced that the decision has already been taken to axe the Albions. Plymouth will get all 8 ASW T23s and in due course all 8 T26s and become a (ahem) 'ASW centre of excellence'. This will be a very small bone thrown by the MoD to partially offset the loss of the Albions and Ocean so Portsmouth will get the T31s. We all know that there will be no new money from the Treasury so the MoD is going to have to think creatively about how an amphibious capability of sorts can be maintained. Maybe bring forward replacement of the Bays with something more capable and go back to 4 hulls?
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