A Tempest In a Teacup?
The UK has launched a new Strategic Defence Review and
within a week there is a political ‘scandal’ as Ministers fail to rule out scrapping
the RAF’s next generation fighter aircraft known as Tempest. Cue outrage all
round as Ministers refuse to commit to the programme, breathless commentary in the
papers ranging from informed insight to articles by Lewis Page, and a general
sense that we’re all in trouble. Clearly silly season is upon us again.
For those unfamiliar with UK politics, the summer lull,
usually late July to early September is a period when politics and government is
paused, with most people taking a well deserved break. The lull in meaningful business leads to playful
news articles and increasingly desperate attempts to fill column inches –
normally by taking a random set of statistics, finding obscure reasons to be
outraged and then writing about in language that suggests the end times are
upon us again.
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In this case it’s a little bit more complex. Not only is
silly season here, but the last couple of weeks have seen a major set of
defence conferences, including the Land Warfare Conference, the Global Air
& Space Chiefs conference and the Farnborough Air Show – a major defence
event. There has been a higher than usual number of top level ministerial
speeches and engagements that have been giving insight into UK defence policy,
and represents the first real opportunity for new ministers to speak about how
they see Defence. This has meant several
intriguing hints at thinking as to how the new SDR will unfold and the strategic
priorities likely to shape the MOD in coming years.
The first issue though is that much of this genuinely
interesting insight has been passed by in order to focus on the future of Tempest
(Known as the Global
Combat Air Programme). This is the next generation fighter jet and
replacement for Typhoon, which is being designed in partnership with Italy and
Japan, and which plays a vital role in safeguarding the future of the UK aerospace
sector. It is a massive project and one that will be central to the future of
the UK’s combat aircraft programme for decades to come.
The problem is that during a Q&A session, the new Minister
of State for the Armed Forces (MINAF) was unable to formally commit to the
programmes future past the SDR, and nor have other Ministers. This has led to
the erroneous speculation that the programme is in trouble. The result has been
a lot of media commentary, often deeply speculative and inaccurate suggesting
that it will be scrapped – all on the basis of not saying ‘yes’ when asked to
offer a guarantee. Does this mean the programme is really at threat? No, not
yet.
All defence reviews require difficult conversations and analysis
of the programme as a whole. So far all that is publicly known as an outcome of
the SDR is that the British nuclear deterrent is safe and will continue. Everything
else is on the table. What this means is that there are, at present, no sacred
cows and everything can, and will be assessed to see how it adds value to the plans
for the armed forces moving forward.
In very broad terms what the Review will consider is firstly
what are the strategic threats the UK faces and what are its priorities for
defending and deterring against? Secondly, given these threats, do the armed
forces as both structured now and in their future plans have the right
combination of equipment and support to meet these tasks, or are wider changes needed?
Thirdly, how much money is available to fund both the structure of the armed
forces now and in the future, and how does this pot of money change if
different ideas are tried out, and what does this mean?
For example (and this is an entirely made up scenario!), if
the UK were to look at moving to a predominantly ASW maritime defence posture, focused
on ships, submarines, maritime patrol aircraft and so on, then this could mean the
requirement for the aircraft carrier and tanker force no longer exists. In turn
this means these ships could be scrapped or sold now, freeing up people and
money in the short term to fund something else. In the medium term it may
mean taking money off the Army and RAF
plans to buy tanks and jets in order to fund Navy plans to buy more submarines.
What the whole process boils down to is trying out different
scenarios and force structures based on the desired defence outcomes, and
seeing what is the right balance to meet the needs of the future force. If you
want a good insight into how its done, then go to the National Archives at Kew
where a huge amount of material from the 1998 SDR is available including many
of the scenarios used, and analysis done both for the review itself and also what
became the CVF project. This will help understand the deep level of analysis
done to work out what is required, and how different force packages fit
together.
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What this will mean is that in the coming months all manner
of unpalatable options will be considered and dismissed very quickly. That they
are being considered is sensible – it is wise to understand all the options
ahead of us, but equally the vast majority will go nowhere. That won’t stop
them being leaked though, and it seems likely that many of the stories that emerge
as ‘Paras/Marines to be merged into RAF Regiment’ stories that will follow are
going to be based on analysis done at this stage of the process. Only a fool would
believe them.
In the case of GCAP it makes complete sense that no one has
formally committed to it in Government yet. There is a review underway, all the
scenarios are being assessed and if you rule one major chunk of the equipment
programme as being ‘out of bounds’ for the purposes of the review, you’ve both
closed down the thinking and you’ve left lots of other things at higher risk if
the money doesn’t add up. Until the whole analysis has been done, its simply
not possible to make this sort of pledge.
This hasn’t stopped a lot of silly commentary attacking
this, ignoring that this would be a challenge whichever government was in power
(noting that had an election not been held yet, then a Defence Review would
still have been held next year regardless of who won, and the same issue would
have emerged). Expecting massive commitments to be made verbally in a press
conference, when there is a review underway assessing this makes no sense – yet
many people on social media got very wound up by this. All manner of odd
comments about it being a major diplomatic incident or concerning to partner nations
unless emergency statements were made –
not really, all governments face difficult decisions and all need to review
them properly. To think that this is an issue when a mid ranking minister won’t
commit to something he is unable to commit to (noting such a cancellation decision
would be taken by the PM) is deeply concerning.
It’s a shame too as all of this pointless coverage has obscured
some genuinely interesting speeches by the Secretary
of State and Chief
of the Defence Staff at the RUSI land warfare conference that have
telegraphed far more about the SDR than the Tempest saga. Reading these
speeches its clear that the themes under discussion are looking at issues like
deterrence in the round, increasing the
lethality of the Army as a whole and a gentle move back to Division / Corps
level operations for the Army, while reflecting new ways of operations (e.g. ‘battalion’s
of one way drones’ was a CDS line – presumably in the process implying they won’t
be operated by the Royal Artillery!).
What seems to be emerging is a vision for the Army that is
about placing it at roughly the same size as it is now, but able to credibly
deter the Russians as part of a wider NATO force (CDS sensibly noted that there
is no point ‘like for like’ comparing the UK to Russia as if we go to war with
Russia, we go with NATO as well). It feels that this review is going to be a
marked change in unplugging 30 years of defence reviews that focused on global operations
and deployments, and instead looks at returning to Europe as a leading ‘heavy’
player in NATO as both an island nation and as a leading army.
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One gets the sense that there is real potential for change
ahead, but the challenge is delivering it in a way that both brings about new
equipment and keeps people involved and engaged. Its reasonable to say that the
last 10 years have not been happy ones in review terms for the Army, which has
tried on a variety of different concepts and ‘hats’ and changed its concept and
models for the future more times than a RIFLES Officer changes uniforms during
the working day. From a global force of strike brigades and robots and drones,
to where we are now, which is, to put it kindly, a significantly denuded force
given so much of it has gone to Ukraine (for the right reasons), the Army feels
that it needs certainty on the vision of the future.
If this review gives the commitment and funding to secure
its place as a leading player in a NATO construct, complete with a clear plan
to regenerate heavy armour and artillery, and work out how to put the logistics
and other vital enablers back in place to let it operate as a genuinely ‘reference
army’ then this has the potential to bode very well indeed. But its important
that the ‘cap badge mafia’ don’t prevent necessary change through clinging to titles
and accoutrements past the point where it makes sense to where it does more
harm than good. There is a risk that a focus too much on protecting the cap badges
harms the ability to regenerate the areas taken as savings measures for too many
years (particularly Logistics, Signals and Engineers etc). It is notable that
the speeches contain barely concealed messages to the Army to play the game and
not disrupt the process. Let us hope they are listened to.
Finally, on a more personal note, while the direction of
travel looks genuinely interesting, and its clear that real change seems imminent,
could the author please issue a small heartfelt plea for senior officers to
give speeches in plain English? Reading some of the ‘buzzwords’ used in the
speeches by other senior officers has been painful. Using lots of jargon to
speak about simple subjects doesn’t’ sound impressive, its up there with
attending a public reading Vogon poetry in terms of things that are not fun to
endure. If you can’t explain in simple terms what you do, how you intend to do
it in future and how it all works, then how do you expect the public to
understand you when you make the case for the Army in future? Using business corporate
speak to make things sound impressive may sound good in the closed circles of ‘top
third’ OJAR ninjas, but for mere mortals who don’t speak fluent buzzword bullshit
bingo, it makes it a chore to listen to. Please, speak to your audience as if
they were human beings, not your syndicate from Staff Course during the final
exercise…
Its early days for the SDR, a lot is likely to happen
between now and its publication, but its clear that no matter how you look at
it, we’re in for a fascinating time and potentially very significant change. Remember,
don’t believe all you read in the press, and if in doubt, remember, it isn’t
over until the Minister announces it at the dispatch box!
"CDS sensibly noted that there is no point ‘like for like’ comparing the UK to Russia as if we go to war with Russia, we go with NATO as well"
ReplyDeleteAlthough we need to confront the real possibility that going with NATO may not include the USA, depending on election results there
I really don't know how an internal review can deliver what is really needed. All the sacred cows, such as public duties really complicate anyone's capability to apply some creative thinking to an Army which is stuck somewhere between the Norman Conquest and Bridgeton.
ReplyDeleteQuick aside, I really like your blog and your insight.