Why You Should Read the UK National Strategy For Maritime Security
The UK has published the latest iteration of its Maritime
Security Strategy, the top level document which sets out how the British
Government intends to deliver security in the maritime space. To some readers
this will seem an obvious question with an obvious answer – namely ‘the Royal
Navy’. Yet the reality is vastly different and much more complicated. That the
foreword to the document was jointly co-signed by no less than 5 Cabinet
Ministers, from the MOD, FCDO, Home Office, Defra and Dept for Transport shows
just how complex this domain really is. It is hard to think of any other
government policy document which has such a high level of cross departmental
interest. What is the goal of this particular document and why does it matter
so much?
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Image by Ministry of Defence; © Crown copyright |
At the risk of stating the obvious, the UK is an island nation and its food and fate is inextricably linked to the sea. From freighters providing a range of manufactured goods from the Far East, to ships carrying foodstuffs from South America, the use of the sea for trade and goods is central to the British way of life. Without imports and exports then very quickly the UK economy will whither and die. Global trade drove so much of British policy making throughout history, and the use of the sea to send sailors, explorers, merchants and military personnel has left an indelible mark on our island nation. It is hard to name a single facet of British life that is not impacted by the sea in some way, and it makes sense to understand how best to use and embrace it.
The strategy contains some useful statistics on the scale
and importance of merchant shipping to the British economy – 95% of all British
goods entering the UK did so by sea, while 99% of all data transmitted via the
internet through the UK is handled via subsea cables. Globally around 80% of trade
by volume is carried by the sea, while the Red Ensign group of vessels (e.g
ships registered in the UK or overseas territories) is the 10th
largest merchant fleet in the world. There are huge economic and security
interests at stake in the maritime domain and being able to understand this and
protect them is key here. Disruption to the global economy at sea, be it by
piracy, disaster or war, could have devastating impacts on the British and
wider global economy.
UK stakeholders in maritime domain |
The document is an attempt to try to capture how the UK government wants to play its part in securing security in the maritime domain and how it can deliver this across a range of channels. What becomes clear from reading the document is the scale of ambition that the UK has when it comes to operating across multiple areas and environments to put help secure maritime security. It isn’t just about people in ships/boats doing ‘stuff’, rather it is about a complex web of legal, diplomatic, military, law enforcement and other channels being used to deliver government goals. For example, at a diplomatic and legal level there is an enormous amount that can be done through membership of international organisations to help shape the legal frameworks around maritime issues. For example, pollution regulations to reduce the impact on the environment if a ship runs aground, or fishery conservation to protect stocks and ensure there is a long term sustainable supply of fishes for human consumption and so on.
The UK government will use the strategy to work towards 5
specific goals over the next few years – these are:
1: Protecting our homeland
2: Responding to threats
3: Ensuring prosperity
4: Championing our values
5: Supporting a secure, resilient ocean
By having this top level goal, it helps government departments
plan on how they will deliver against these aims and ensure they can meet the
strategic direction of the day. The MOD for example will be able to review its
operational plans, policy direction, commitments and wider activity to ensure that
when undertaking Royal Navy activity, it is done against the backdrop of a
clear strategic goal.
Underpinning these top level goals is a statement on where
the Government sees the key risks in the maritime sector. It believes that in
priority order, the following are of concern:
• Terrorism affecting the UK and its maritime interests,
including attacks against
cargo or passenger ships.
• Disruption to vital maritime trade routes resulting
from war, criminality, piracy, or
changes in international norms.
• Attack on UK maritime infrastructure or shipping,
including cyber-attack.
• The transportation of illegal items by sea, including
weapons of mass
destruction, controlled drugs, and arms.
• People smuggling and human trafficking
It is clear that the MOD has a large part to play in many of these areas, and in particular the Royal Navy. There is a defence contribution that could be made to support the contingency planning for, the response too, or the mitigations against all of the above issues, although it may not always involve ships to do this. In practical terms then relatively little will change for Defence in the short term though. The report reaffirms the importance of the Royal Navy in delivering maritime security, citing for example the importance of UK commitments in Bahrain and in NATO, and in enhancing UK security. There are no specific new planned capabilities announced, although it notes that the Royal Navy will deploy a Littoral Response Group to the Indo-Pacific region in 2023 on an enduring basis to enhance the OPV presence. What is notable though is how the emphasis on the commitment to NATO has expanded, with a much higher profile than before, helping show the importance of the ongoing NATO mission to the MOD.
Some will ask whether this is an ironic decision given that
the UK has just decommissioned the survey ship HMS ECHO several years earlier
than planned, and HMS ENTERPRISE is unlikely to last much longer either. Can
you credibly advise on seabed mapping if you’re actively getting rid of the
ships used to conduct this work? This comes to the heart of the debate as to
what the future is for the Royal Navy – is it platforms or capability?
Arguably a very large amount of what the RN needs from hydrographic work could be delivered via commercial ships chartered and with a naval party embarked, or via uncrewed drone systems – the time when you need a warship with all the associated footprint of crew and cost for this work is limited. If you took the warship out of the equation and focused purely on the capability you need to deliver, you could free up more resources to have a greater overall impact than just running on two or three older warships.
But to do this and achieve the main effect would lose the
soft benefits of a warship – a commercially chartered ship cannot hope to do defence
diplomacy, or be retasked for other duties, or function as a military platform.
The soft power value of a visit or exercise cannot be underestimated – nor too
can the value of a grey hull delivering aid when needed. It is barely two years
since the explosion in Beirut, where HMS ENTERPRISE was sent to deliver hydrographic
support to the devastated city – something that not only was a major source of
support to the Lebanese, but also helped enhance the UK’s wider reputation. A
commercial ship would not have the same impact, even if it could deliver the
same effect.
This sort of debate will continue with the Royal Navy and
wider government departments as they try to figure out what sort of maritime
protective capability is needed in the future. For example the report refers to
a programme of replacement border cutters for the Home Office, ships that in
other nations may be used by navies as OPVs. Understanding where the boundaries
lie, whether ships need to be naval, or even if crewed ships are needed at all
is central to understanding how to deliver effective maritime security going
forward.
Image by Ministry of Defence; © Crown copyright |
What is clear though is the importance of the Royal Navy in supporting
the national interests around the world, and the huge impact on the UK economy if
something goes wrong and causes disruption. It notes that over 60% of global
trade passes through the Asia, and over £91 billion of exports into the UK are
reliant on the smooth passage of maritime trade. It is against this backdrop
that the Royal Navy and wider Defence capabilities are so vital – a global
presence is needed because threats to UK and allied shipping abound across the
globe. Failing to be able to respond, or being reliant on third party states to
deliver the response means that the UK may find itself unable to protect British
maritime interests globally. If nothing else is taken from the report,
understanding the critical importance that a globally deployed Royal Navy has
on the security of our economy as a whole is key.
Image by Ministry of Defence; © Crown copyright |
This strategy is worth the time to digest and understand –
it sets out clearly why the sea matters, why the UK needs to engage globally in
the maritime space and how it can do so via a variety of channels. This
document is the headmark upon which so much of UK government activity is likely
to be conducted for years to come – it is worth reading and understanding
because it makes the compelling case for why the sea matters in a way that goes
far beyond the obvious and leaves the reader in no doubt that “It is upon
the Navy, under the good providence of God, that the Wealth, Prosperity &
peace of these Islands & (Oversea Territories) do mainly depend”…
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