Turbulent Times - Brief Thoughts on the Gulf Security Situation
Events in the Gulf are continuing to pose a real challenge
to regional and international security. In recent weeks the intentional
sabotage of merchant vessels near an Emirati port, the explosions on oil
tankers at sea in the Gulf, seemingly conducted by Iranian forces, and finally
the recent shooting down of an unmanned US drone have all led to a deterioration
in the security situation.
This is an extremely complex, fast moving and challenging
situation without a clearly identifiable end state or ‘off ramp’ immediately at
hand. While the hope must remain that events calm down, and that wider conflict
is averted, it remains a challenging time. Already there seem to a number of
wider lessons and implications that are worth considering.
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HMS DARING on operations in the BAM- Image by Ministry of Defence; © Crown copyright |
Firstly, these events help remind us that for many years now
Iran has essentially been engaged in a proxy war against both the West and its Middle
Eastern allies. Across Iraq, into Syria and now in Yemen, there is clear
evidence of the Iranian provision of munitions and force, and potentially manpower
to help further their own interests, in direct contravention to the Wests. It
is clear that the Iranians are willing to use force by proxy against us, and
continue to support movements which pose a clear threat to Western interests.
When considering the use of force, we often think of the
move to all out conventional warfare, but in reality it is more complex than
this. The Iranians are clearly able to exploit unconventional movements and rebel
organisations to help undermine those whom they perceive as a threat – for instance
provision of IED’s to Shia militias to use against UK and US forces in Iraq, or
advanced missiles to the Houthi to use
in Yemen.
What we are now witnessing is another escalation in this
proxy war, which is becoming increasingly risky to wider international stability.
The challenge though is what can be done about it – Iran seems to have found
the ‘sweet spot’ where it can use force to further its own interests in a
manner which does not cross the threshold for a widespread military response,
and where the West and Middle Eastern allies do not (yet) want to go to war over
the issue.
From a policy perspective the challenge is to find a path
which encourages Iran to exercise restraint from use of force, and also helps
de-escalate the situation, while also sending a clear message that such acts will
not be tolerated. This is an extremely delicate and complex path which is not
easily fixed by retaliatory punitive airstrikes or cruise missile offensives.
It is also a good reminder of the importance of geography
and choke points, and the dependency of the global economy on a fairly small
number of maritime straits, the closure of which could have an enormous impact
on the wider economy.
The potential risk to shipping in both the Southern Red Sea
and the Strait of Hormuz in the event of wider conflict escalation is not inconsiderable.
Within the last 3 years HMS DARING was responsible for escorting UK entitled shipping
through the Bab-Al-Mendab straits, with the ship repeatedly closed up at action
stations and ready for incoming attack by anti-ship cruise missiles. For this
work, the Ships Company was, rightly, awarded a medal.
The challenge for the West is that Iran is far more able to
exploit geography in its favour, putting pressure on the Straits of Hormuz, and
more widely the Southern Red Sea through the use of proxies, mines and Anti
Ship Cruise Missiles. The Iranian economy, buffeted by sanctions is less likely
to be directly impacted in the short term by any closure than the Wests, and it
would have the added benefit of hurting other Middle Eastern economies too.
In the event that the ongoing situation deteriorates but
remains short of conventional war, then this poses a significant challenge for
Western navies, who will need to find escorts to support shipping in the
region.
It is likely that the West would need to provide additional
ships, both conventional escorts and MCMVs to support operations in the region.
The question is whether the Iranians would be willing to escalate further and target
manned warships (unlikely) or unmanned surface vessels (e.g. MCMV related
capabilities) in order to disrupt their work.
The loss, accidental or otherwise, of a major merchant ship
to an Iranian attack would potentially have grave consequences on the global
economy, and in the worst instance, could lead to a major recalibration of shipping
routes as vessels went round South Africa instead.
This is a valuable reminder of the importance of land geography
as an offensive maritime weapon – Iran can use terrain to its advantage to
shape the wider campaign at sea, making life difficult for merchant ships, and forcing
warships into highly constrained waters where their inherent survivability through
mobility is reduced by having to remain in close company of other ships in tight
waters.
Beyond the world of proxy fighting, we have also been
reminded of the importance of the internet and information operations as a key
way to engage in proxy conflict. For the West, trying to pin the blame on Iran
has been built around an effective messaging campaign in the media, using film
footage and other messages to shape public opinion.
In a world of instant communications, the ability to get a
timely message out there to ‘win’ the minds is key. Communicators need to keep
pushing a coherent credible message and be absolutely sure of their position
and facts. Already there is a challenge in beating public cynicism associated
with the ‘dodgy dossier’ and trying to convince the world that Iran is behind
this, even when the evidence is overwhelming.
Of equal importance is the continued use of information
operations to shape how messages land across the region. The internet has
paradoxically made the world more open, and more cynical than ever when
provided with overwhelming amounts of information to digest. Convincing people of
Iranian complicity, and providing objective and truthful information on what
actually happened is vital here.
While messaging and IO may be less high profile than discussing
how many CIWS an armoured division should be fitted with on the internet, it is
arguably one of the most important capabilities in the UK and wider Wests arsenal.
Spreading the message and the truth convincingly, against cynical audiences is
key here.
Underpinning this is a reminder of the importance of
credible intelligence analysis and the importance of sharing information. When
handling this sort of issue, such as identifying the sources of the limpet
mines, having a competent and capable analytical community able to identify the
film footage and provide analysis of it is vital. For both the UK and US, investment
in good intelligence analysis capabilities and training is key here – having staff
with the knowledge and competence to confidently predict what a tactical level
issue, which could have strategic ramifications is, is vital.
The shootdown of a highly expensive US asset (over $131m per
airframe according to some sources) is a timely reminder that truly capable cutting-edge
unmanned airframes are rarely that much cheaper than manned airframes. Determining
an appropriate response is going to be a challenge, and another key emerging
issue is the challenge of defining the threshold for retaliation for violence
against drones.
While the US initially prepared a strike against certain Iranian
installations, they did not proceed with it – reportedly due to concerns by President
Trump that over 150 lives may be lost. The question of whether a drone is worth
the taking of human life and escalation of a proxy war is intriguing because in
cancelling the strikes, the US has potentially shown that, at present, it
places more value on human life than it does unmanned aircraft.
For foes of the US, the defining of this position is helpful
in letting them determine their own policy positions on what to do in the event
of future operations near their own airspace. By understanding where the US response
may be more constrained, it makes it easier for other nations to understand the
limits of their own operations. It is likely many other countries with capable
anti-air defences will watch the US response with interest and think very carefully
about the implications of this.
Much like determining how to respond to a cyber-attack with
physical violence is challenging, deciding how to respond to the shooting down
of an unmanned aircraft is likely to pose similar questions. Is it worth escalating
a tense situation to avenge the loss of a capable asset, even if nothing other
than national pride (and a very expensive ISTAR platform) has been lost?
Determining the off ramp, while still preventing the loss of
face and handing of a significant propaganda victory to Iran is going to be a
complex balancing act here – it remains to be seen what will be done, and what the
longer term implications are for deterrence policy as a result.
This remains a complex and fast moving situation, and more events
will surely follow. But, for now, it is worth trying to capture some of the bigger
issues as it moves along, and in time consider the lessons and impacts more
broadly. Whatever else happens, the hope must be that this ends peacefully and
not with an escalation into an ever more challenging proxy war, where the new
threshold of gradually accepted use of low level violence suddenly leads to an
accidental escalation of something significantly more widespread by accident.
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ReplyDeleteI would like to put a counterargument. Should we care about the Gulf? The obvious answer is yes, because of the oil and gas reserves, but if we are to stop burning fossil fuels, which we are committed to by 2050, then let's stop spending the time and money which we are devoting to preventing/starting another Middle East conflict and concentrate on removing our dependency on hydro carbons. We have the technology to replace oil in nearly every application and those where we don't, the requirement for oil is well within the capacity of a much smaller oil industry. I think the problem is that we are seduced by short term cost and ignore hidden immediate costs (like the cost of holding a large deployment for year after year) and the long term benefits (cleaner air, less spillage pollution, reduced acid rain). Can this be achieved in a matter of weeks? No, but if we don't start emphasising it now, we are going to be confronting the same problem with another country's name in the headline in a few years.
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